The daily life of peasants of the virgin lands is a unique phenomenon, formed as a result of the artificial merger of the townspeople and the rural population in the process of the mass arrival to the virgin lands of residents of cities of different scale and intensity of life. Before turning to historiographic questions, one should define the term “history of everyday life”. There are many approaches and concepts, but the most successful one is the following set of questions that most clearly represent the structure of everyday life: “macro and microenvironment (nature, city, village, dwelling); interpersonal relations in various micro-social groups (territorial, professional, confessional, etc.).

A selection of the magazine "Heroes of Virgin Lands", published in 1957, was created in parallel with the organization of state farms and reflected in the accepted ceremonial style the successes of their activities. The value of these small sketches is in some supplementary information about the sanitary condition of state farms, nutrition of peasants of virgin lands, and wages. The magazine is dedicated to the foremost peasants of virgin production, however, it reflects little of their everyday, everyday problems. Here the book of A. Wozniak stands out, where the author first drew attention to the relationship between people at the interpersonal level and in the family frame. Significant collections of articles were published by the 10th anniversary of the development of virgin lands ("Feat on the virgin lands ...", "Man, land, bread ..."), where for the first time the problem of the living conditions of peasants of virgin lands was seen through the eyes of the new settlers themselves. The disadvantage of these collections is the one-sided presentation, focusing only on the successes in providing housing for peasants of virgin lands, their cultural and medical services. A new phenomenon is turning to the themes of personal and industrial relations.Household issues of settling new settlers on virgin lands are described quite fully in the work of V. Telyakovsky "People of the virgin land" and the brochure "On the virgin soil". Their noticeable drawback is excessive engagement, exaggeration of the successes of the material and everyday life of the new settlers. In addition, studies of the period 1954-1959 most of all dwell on the analysis and characterization of 1955. And conclusions related to this year are often disseminated by the author until the end of the 1950s.

Works reflecting not only the positive aspects of the everyday life of peasants of virgin lands began to appear only in the 90s (M.G. Golovanov, A. Martynova, A. Romanova), but another problem arises here: they mainly relate to the period 1954- 1956, when the economic formation of state farms was just taking place, without affecting the further period of life on the virgin lands. At the same time, a great positive aspect of the work was a more objective assessment of the events that took place, an emphasis not only on the positive aspects of life: collective, shock labor, mass construction, the improvement of residential settlements, but on the disadvantages: the problem of housing, poor quality food, gender imbalances. In these collections, the first characteristics of relations between people, moral and ethical values of peasants of virgin lands, etc. appear. So, in the article of V.P. Motrevich "Development of the Ural virgin lands" for the first time outlined the problems of peasants of virgin lands from the point of view of everyday life: the issues of housing, provision of food, water, trade and consumer services. But having identified the problems, the author chronologically pays attention only to the first two years of the development of virgin lands and does not comment on the difficulties of material and everyday support of new settlers on the state farms of the virgin lands. (Kuznetsova O.V. 2014)

The virgin lands, as you know, are not only arable land and growing bread. Along with the rise of millions of hectares of virgin and fallow lands, it was necessary to urgently and on a large-scale build a network of granaries and elevators, livestock facilities and complexes, roads, and at the same time - housing, schools, hospitals, kindergartens and nurseries, clubs, palaces of culture and libraries. By the first winter on virgin lands 1954-1955. in the North Kazakhstan region in all virgin state farms completed the assembly of the planned standard houses for new settlers. Thus, peasants of virgin lands were provided with new housing and were able to move out of hostels and temporary residences. Social and cultural enterprises were not ignored either. In virgin state farms, various clubs, hospitals, libraries, cinemas, feldsher-midwife stations and consumer service workshops were built.

The increase in grain production in the country due to the expansion of sown areas led the economy on the path of extensive development. The implementation of the program for the development of virgin and fallow lands required solving problems not only of a technical and agrotechnical plan, but above all, the possibility of a sharp increase in labor resources, which were sorely lacking at that time in virgin regions. The so-called "Virgin Lands Epic" required the expansion of infrastructure and an increase in human resources, and caused huge waves of migration to areas of development of new territories. There was a need to quickly resolve social issues for a large mass of people, a new and more complex group of problems was associated with this, which related to the issues of relationships with the local population, interethnic relations, culture and language of the indigenous population, and in general the socio-cultural adaptation of peasants of virgin lands in the new conditions.

Residents of the virgin region had to not only be provided with normal living conditions, but to create a socio-cultural sphere, a service sector and embrace cultural and educational work in order to distract of peasants  of virgin lands from negative phenomena. In the North Kazakhstan region, unlike other virgin regions, new state farms were created, relying on the material base of already existing agricultural enterprises, therefore, it was possible to relatively organically solve economic, social and ideological tasks at the same time. During the development of virgin and fallow lands in the virgin regions and the North Kazakhstan region in particular, there was an increase in machine operators, when “at the call of the party, hundreds of thousands of young patriots and immigrants from the western regions of the country arrived in Kazakhstan.

The fundamental political principle in resolving the personnel issue for the virgin lands was the principle of voluntariness, in contrast to the previous stages of the forced resettlement of the Volga Germans, Koreans and peoples of the North Caucasus to the region of North Kazakhstan. Of particular importance were political slogans and appeals, which contributed to the development of the enthusiasm of the masses, which, combined with the factor of material interest, gave rise to the effectiveness of organized resettlement to the virgin lands. On the whole, the process of developing virgin and fallow lands and the work of the "cultivators of virgin lands" was significantly romanticized, which undoubtedly attracted young people to participate in the "public cause". The development of virgin and fallow lands was associated with overcoming enormous difficulties caused by poor provision of material and financial resources, lack of roads, lack of qualified specialists, managers and labor in general. The implementation of the virgin campaign was accompanied by a high labor enthusiasm, but incompetence and haste to fulfill the task, departmental confusion and other phenomena led to the emergence of serious social problems of a domestic nature, which greatly influenced the process of high turnover of personnel in the virgin regions. The big plans of the first peasants of virgin lands were often crushed by a poorly organized life, interruptions in the supply of food and essential goods, unsanitary conditions in places of residence, lack of basic amenities, a harsh climate forced many to return back or migrate to other, more comfortable places. (Vereshchagin T.G. 2014)

Whenever possible, young peasants of virgin lands were accommodated in hostels and in private apartments, but most often in wooden prefabricated houses hastily put together from blocks, barracks with an earthen grass floor. In the places planned for the creation of new state farms, tent camps were set up, field kitchens, temporary summer-type canteens, washstands, first aid kits for first aid, trade stalls were equipped. The regional center provided enormous assistance to the newly created state farms. Industrial enterprises sent not only specialists, agricultural machinery, spare parts to the virgin lands, but everything necessary for organizing the life and recreation of the first peasants of virgin lands: field wagons, collapsible houses, cots and beds, household appliances, bed linen, books, sports equipment, musical instruments, costumes for participants in amateur performances. But social and cultural issues were resolved slowly. Production objectives were put forward in the first place. Thanks to their enthusiasm, immense faith in a "bright future" and in communist ideals, most of the first peasants were ready for any difficulties. It was planned to build nurseries and playgrounds, kindergartens, dormitories, hospitals and paramedic points, shops. Yet the plan was never fully implemented. There were no construction equipment or peasants. All forces were directed to the "development" of the land. Only in the late 50s. The development of the social sphere in virgin state farms began to receive special attention.

At the beginning of the 1960s, medical services for the population of virgin state farms improved. Artels created enterprises for the repair and sewing of footwear and clothes, the repair of metal products and cultural goods, felting felt boots, and hairdressing salons. In the late 1950s, the problem of water supply to state farms became more acute. In 1961, the plan for the construction of water supply facilities was only half completed. Cultural services for peasants virgin lands were carried out more successfully. In the 50s, theater and entertainment events were regularly held in virgin areas and on new buildings in the region. Local philharmonic societies and drama theaters actively participated in them. Artists had to perform not only in clubs, but on open stage venues. The objects of cultural services for peasants of virgin lands were successfully built. (T.L. Akulova 2004: 167)

Interesting memories in an interview with the authors were shared by a L.I. Shanina. She first came to the virgin lands, as a third-year student of the agronomic faculty, in 1958. In an interview she said: “In March, the secretary of the Kokchetav regional party committee came to us. We gathered a Komsomol meeting, and the secretary appealed to us with an appeal to help fight the grain scoop. In order to go to the virgin lands, it was necessary to pass the session ahead of schedule, because we were expected in Kazakhstan already in April. There were 150 people on the agronomist course, and everyone wanted to go to the virgin lands on the Komsomol voucher. And all 150 people passed the exams ahead of schedule. For our work, we received a decent salary – 100 rubles a month, and at the same time the scholarship remained. We came from virgin lands as rich people. Working in virgin land left many good impressions about herself. We then experienced an unprecedented emotional uplift, lived with the feeling that the Motherland needed us, that we were doing a good and necessary deed. We were enthusiasts, patriots, we were not afraid of difficulties and the lack of basic living conditions. It was real romance!" (Bondar, E.N. 2014)

At first, the students lived in small adobe houses with small windows, earthen or adobe floors (behind a large Russian stove, on a meadow, there was a place for 5–6 students). No electricity or radio. “ I was in nightmare and wilderness! I even wanted to leave the agricultural institute. Since 1959, we have already lived in a hotel adapted for a hostel for students (four people in a room). The bathhouse was visited once a week. The estates of the new virgin state farms were then built with a perspective, quickly and efficiently: wide streets, solid houses and outbuildings, backyards, kindergartens, schools, clubs, parks. For those who came first to the virgin lands, the "cinema" in an ordinary plank shed seemed luxurious. And in the fields there were already new tractors “DT-54” and others. They prepared food for themselves. Products (milk, bread, meat, eggs, vegetables) were provided by the sponsored state farm. The virgin fields were large. Therefore, we traveled long distances in adapted trucks: a board or tarpaulin awning and four benches for 5-6 people each. We didn’t get bored: we sang songs with an accordion or a guitar (Milishchenko, O.A. 2014).

50-60 years of the 20th century is an active period of a virgin campaign, thanks to which a unique society was formed, which mixed in itself various forms and lifestyles of people of different levels of education, training and qualifications, age and interests. Despite the many differences, the only thing that brought all these people together was cinema. Cinema as a means of forming the image of a Soviet person capable of solving any problems; cinema as a tool of agitation is an effective and reliable way of spreading ideologically significant ideas and attracting broad masses for an active social and political life; cinema as a cultural need for citizens of the USSR, the possibility of relaxation after hard work, a form of leisure. In other words, cinema is a huge part of the everyday life of a Soviet person, in which all the diversity of the surrounding reality was refracted at various levels and sections of personal, individual and socio-cultural perception. That is why the purpose of the study was the problem of cinema service on virgin lands, a feature of which was the condition of spontaneity and extremeness of the development of new territories without taking into account the material and cultural needs of the first peasants of virgin lands. All this was supposed to leave a special imprint on the problems of cinema in the virgin lands. That is why the problem of the appearance of cinema in virgin state farms had to be solved promptly. (Kuznetsova O.V. 2017: 98)

Socialist modernization proceeded rapidly; at the end of the 1950s, Soviet cities, especially new and capital cities, already had all the features of an industrial society. Since the second half of the 1950s, one of the main directions of domestic policy has been "overcoming the differences between town and country", the transformation of rural labor into a kind of industrial. In the 1960s, Soviet authors noted the persistence of significant differences between town and country, including “in the conditions of culture and everyday life”. The most important difference was the procedure for passports, according to which the issuance of passports was extended only to persons living in cities, regional centers and urban-type settlements. In order to curb the mechanical growth of the urban population, 37% of USSR citizens living in villages were deprived of the right to a passport. One of the results of accelerated modernization was marginalization, when entire generations lost one value system and did not find another. Due to the fact that in the 1930s and 1960s, medium and large cities were often formed by immigrants from the countryside, “the core of many old cities was made up of people who were absolutely not adapted to the conditions of urban life. Due to this, the old urban local subcultures acquired a touch of marginality. At the turn of the 1950s and 1960s, the outflow of the population from the village intensified. This flow both increased the size of the urban population and slowed down the qualitative urbanization processes. The marginality explains the peculiarities of the behavior of rural migrants in the city (affectivity, aggressiveness, rapid change in emotional states): in the situation of a traditional society, the lack of internal discipline is compensated by the authority of tradition and is controlled by the community. The rapid destruction of traditional forms of control leads to the fact that an individual who does not have the skills of self-regulation shows unrestrained, immediate reactions".

Rural culture is more “traditional”, urban culture is more “industrial”. On the day-to-day level, the rapid “overcoming the differences between town and country” is not a dialogue of cultures and mutual enrichment, but a formal transformation of the village in the image of the city; marginalization through rural migrants not only of urban society, but of rural society, due to overcoming the destruction of rural culture. From the typological features of rural culture, the "traditional" psychotype and specific models of behavior were preserved. With direct intercultural communication of the masses, this often led to psychological confrontation and even mutual rejection of urban and rural cultures. (G.P. Sidorova 2018: 28)

In the post-Stalinist Soviet historiography, the concept of the collective farm system as a phenomenon that has a high internal potential with the necessary party and state leadership was established. Agricultural labor could be characterized as "biological", because people's lives directly depended on the harvested crop, on weather and natural conditions. Labor, the family as a production collective and the self-sufficiency of this collective were the main characteristics of village life at the beginning of the 20th century. The Soviet system made changes in the life of the peasantry, depriving it of economic self-sufficiency, subordinating economic activity to the state interests. Within the framework of the comparative-historical approach, the named scientific directions are fully justified, and the studies themselves made it possible to give a holistic characteristic of the influence of the command-administrative system on the development of the agricultural sector. The study of the Soviet era from the point of view of the formation of an industrial model of social development allows us to continue to consider the collective farm system as one of the internal sources of accumulation, but in the mainstream of social history. It also makes it possible to trace the internal processes of adaptation and survival of the peasantry, those who find themselves in the framework of the conditions of life. The socio-economic essence of the peasant in the period under study was determined by socially useful labor on the collective farm or on the state farm, on the one hand, and the need to maintain a personal subsidiary farm, on the other. Let us consider the social guarantees of the collective farm system during the Khrushchev "thaw". Social guarantees to collective farmers in the Khrushchev period were determined by several positions: payment for workdays, monetary and material support for personal needs, cash wages and labor incentives. Collective farmers continued to be paid through the calculation of workdays. The minimum number of workdays produced per year, as well as the value in monetary terms of one workday, were determined at a general meeting of collective farmers. So, for example, the cost of a workday in 1957 was 3 rubles 30 kopecks. Workdays were accrued in the register of collective farmers' workdays, where the number of workdays worked out by brigade was indicated by last name. In general, there were from 100 to 300 workdays per collective farmer per year. Only for the processing of agricultural crops assigned to the teams, the production of workdays varied from 11-25 to 30 workdays per month. There were frequent cases when the collective farmer's workdays were not credited. Most of them are associated with a weak accounting organization, but if there was a statement about this, the decision was made in favor of the employee. Usually, at the end of the calendar year and by the beginning of the next, the collective farm board and the general meeting of collective farmers considered the candidates for peasants who had not officially worked out their workdays, they specified it in a collective list and made changes. Workdays were credited if there was a valid reason for absenteeism due to illness of young children. If the board of the collective farm is attached knew the workdays (the required minimum) for the past year unfulfilled, a decision was made: a collective farmer or a collective farmer should be taxed as individual farmers. For those collective farmers who worked out their workdays, the collective farm board established free distribution of livestock feed for private households. (M.I. Fedorova. 2017: 53).

In addition, the board of the collective farm and the general meetings of collective farmers, relying on the applications received by the collective farmers, solved pressing problems and issues that were of vital importance for an ordinary person. They rendered help with food if a member of the artel is sick and cannot work for some time. They provided assistance with building materials in building a house, in issuing a state loan for construction, and analyzed applications for sending tractor drivers and drivers to courses. At general meetings of collective farm members and meetings of collective farm boards, issues related to a certain improvement in the living standards and prosperity of collective farmers were usually positively resolved. Such events included: cutting land for a vegetable garden and a backyard plot, buying a house or issuing a loan for its purchase, selling (or exchanging) an animal from a collective farm for the needs of a personal economy, approving an annual leave, issuing a loan for buying shoes, for a funeral, providing unpaid leave for several days for personal and economic needs (for example, logging, traveling to the city, visiting another village), providing money for treatment. Considered applications for membership in the collective farm. Requests for expulsion from the collective farm were granted in exceptional cases: due to old age, a trip to study in the city, getting married and the need to move to another area. The collective farm provided assistance to all members of the artel in the removal of firewood for the household. Control over the provision of all these measures was carried out by the chairman of the collective farm and the team leaders. Assistance with money for personal needs was carried out through the mutual assistance fund, which paid part of the vacation expenses. Every collective farmer could receive such material support. More often, such requests of collective farmers were not satisfied, such as an increase in wages, permission for free felling of firewood in the forest, expulsion from collective farm members at their own request, provision of another vacation in spring or summer, accrual of rations or workdays during the time when a mother is with her daughters' children and cannot go to work, dismiss the foreman of his own free will, issue documents for obtaining a passport, write off money, restore money for fallen collective farm animals due to oversight.

Celebrating Soviet holidays also included organizational and financial measures. So, the measures to prepare for the May 1 celebration included cleaning livestock buildings from debris and straw, installing alarms and water tanks in case of fire, allocating funds for the purchase of gifts for schoolchildren, valuable gifts and bonuses to machine operators and livestock leaders (for example, those who kept livestock by the beginning of the grazing period). The collective farm fully supported the disabled, the elderly and war invalids in everyday matters who did not have close relatives able to work who could provide daily assistance. They were supposed to be given bread from 15 to 20 kg of flour monthly irretrievably. The general meeting of collective farmers and the board of the collective farm annually (since the lists of collective farmers in connection with the specification of the age, the period of their stay on the collective farm were compiled annually) made a decision to establish material benefits for collective farmers aged 60 and older and collective farmers aged 55 and older, as well as invalids of war and labor. Only those collective farmers who did not receive state pensions, as well as those who lived and worked on the collective farm for at least 15 years, could count on the allowance. In general, the material allowance ranged from 8 to 12 kg of flour per month. In addition, each beneficiary included in the list was entitled to 0.51 liters of milk per day and up to 250 rubles a year in cash. Collective and collective farmers who reached retirement age and applied for assistance were divided into several groups: group 1: men from 0 years old and women from 55 years old who provided assistance to the collective farm or worked at home - raised children, releasing able-bodied family members for collective farm work (the registration was kept monthly, in case of non-participation in work, the benefit was not issued) - 8 kg of wheat flour per month; Group 2: men from 70 years of age and older, women from 0 years of age and older, who had children capable of providing material assistance to elderly parents - 12 kg of wheat flour per month; Group 3: the same age of collective farmers, but without able-bodied children – 16 kg of wheat flour per month; 4 group: invalids of war and labor of groups 1-4; when granting the allowance, the received state pension was taken into account; Group 5: elderly collective farmers assigned to the first three groups, taking into account the received state pension. The general meeting of collective farmers and the collective farm board resolved issues of remuneration of members of the artel, determined the production rate, quality criteria and the amount of remuneration.

So, the remuneration of tractor drivers depended on the quality of the work done. At general meetings of the artels, it was decided what kind of work would be considered high-quality. It was believed that the tractor driver did the work with high quality, and his pay did not decrease, if he did not spoil the roads with equipment, did not violate agricultural standards during plowing and sowing. In case of violations, the payment was reduced. So, for example: - in case of damage to roads by a tractor, the payment was reduced by 10%; – upon delivery of a field with unplowed areas - by 20%; - when plowing a field without harrows - by 20%; - when plowing a field less than 20 cm deep without specifying an agronomist – by 50%; – when sowing with technically faulty seeders – by 30%. Payment to the tractor driver for sowing was made before the emergence of seedlings by 70%, after the emergence of seedlings by 100%. Workdays were not the only form of calculation of intrakolkhoz economic activity. Without making an opening in the formulation of the question, we concretize some types of work that were carried out by the residents of the collective farm and were paid from the collective farm budget: the shepherds of the milking herd during the lack of fodder were charged 2 workdays per day, the seeders were charged 40 kopecks per workday with good sowing quality, the tractor drivers received quarterly cash bonuses, collective farmers who worked conscientiously, without complaints addressed to themselves, received 2 quintals of hay from the general fund for the needs of the private economy on personal statements. In addition, incentives in labor activity related to the accrued work day. The collective farm board and the general meeting of collective farmers made decisions to increase the pay for a workday given certain results of work. General meetings of collective farmers and the collective farm board discussed issues and made decisions concerning important aspects of the collective farmers' life, provided material and financial support at the collective level for the functioning of the collective farm family and personal subsidiary plots in the countryside.

The detailing of organizational and everyday issues, the adoption of decisions on each of them at a general meeting of the members of the artel testified to the real embodiment of the principle of collectivism in the practice of organizing the internal collective farm system and its leadership. Support was provided to both able-bodied and disabled members of the collective farm. The forms of payment for intrakolkhoz economic activities, in addition to the workday, were social guarantees: material and financial support, labor incentives, adjustments to pay for a workday, support for personal subsidiary farming with feed and animals. During the period under study, the work of collective farm members was not disinterested so much that it was paid only by workdays. There was a rather flexible incentive wage, even the procurement of 1 broom for feeding animals in the winter period by schoolchildren was estimated at 10 kopecks and was paid. In this sense, the collective farm in the period under study was life-supporting, the personal subsidiary farm did not compete with the collective farm, but was its integral part. (M.I. Fedorova. 2017: 54)

Summing up, we can say that the development of virgin lands made it possible to turn virgin lands of USSR, especially Kazakhstan into a leading grain-producing region, where the appearance of the region radically changed, and a modern production and social infrastructure was created for that time. In the North Kazakhstan region, most personnel issues were solved by different methods, but this problem was not finally closed. Along with the huge positive phenomena in the socio-economic development of the region, it is necessary to note some complex social phenomena. The bulk of the volunteers were young people, conditionally released and military personnel. The attraction of migrant flows of various composition to the regions of development led to the formation of a tense socio-conflict situation in these regions. The development of new lands and the redistribution of labor resources entailed colossal changes in the demographic situation of the northern regions of Kazakhstan.

References:

Akulova T.L. Social and cultural construction in virgin areas (1950-1960). Bulletin of the Orenburg State Agrarian University 2004. (in Russian)

Bondar E.N. Interview with a veteran Omskhi-OmGAU L.I. Shanina "Memories of L.I. Shanina about virgin soil". January 17, 2014 [Text] / E.N. Bondar // Archives of the People's Museum of History P.A. Stolypin (in Russian)

Vereshchagin T.G. Resolution of the personnel issue during the period of development of integrated and land lands in Northern Kazakhstan region in 1954 – 1956. Modern problems of science and education. – 2014. – No. 4. (in Russian)

Kuznetsova O.V. The problem of everyday value in regional historiography. Modern problems of science and education. – 2014. –No. 2 (in Russian)

Kuznetsova O.V. Problems of cinema service on virgin lands: statistics and everyday life. Humanities and Legal Studies 2017. (in Russian)

Milishchenko, O.A. Interview with a veteran Omskhi-OmGAU R.D. Zubareva "Memoirs of R.D. Zubareva about virgin soil. January 16, 2014 [Text] / O.A. Milishchenko // Archives of the People's Museum of History P.A. Stolypin. (in Russian)

Sidorova G.P. Soviet everyday life: "overcoming differences between cities and villages" or urban culture vs rural. Bulletin of Ulyanovsk State Technical University 2018. (in Russian)

ҒТАМР 03.20.00

ТЫҢ ИГЕРУШІЛЕРДІҢ ӨЗГЕРЕТІН ЖАҒДАЙЛАРҒА БЕЙІМДЕЛУ МЕХАНИЗМДЕРІ МЕН ӨМІР СҮРУ СТРАТЕГИЯЛАРЫ

ҚұдайбергеноваАйжамал Ибрагимқызы¹, Закарья Рахметолла²

¹Тарих ғылымдарының докторы, Ш.Ш. Уәлиханов атындағы Тарих және этнология институтының бас ғылыми қызметкері.

²PhD докторант. Ш.Ш. Уалиханов атындағы Тарих және этнология институтының кіші ғылыми қызметкері.

Аннотация: Тың игеру-бұл тек техникалық мүмкіндіктер, агротехника тәсілдері, экологиялық-экономикалық мақсаттылық пен ұтымдылық мәселесі ғана емес. Бұл әлеуметтік, оның ішінде демографиялық және этникалық мәселе. Тың және тыңайған жерлердің көтерілуі игеру аудандарына қоныс аударудың үлкен толқындарын тудырды. Сонымен бірге, жаңа аймақтарға көшкенде, қоныс аударушылар табиғи тіршілік ету ортасының ерекшеліктерін, өмірді қамтамасыз ету жағдайларын, өмір сүру және экономикалық қызмет жағдайларын, жаңа экологиялық жағдайда өздерінің биоәлеуметтік бейімделу мүмкіндіктерін елестете алмады. Тың жерлерді игеру үшін жаңа аймақтарға жанның шақыруымен келген КСРО-ның еуропалық бөлігінің тұрғындары кейіннен олардың психологиялық тұрғыдан басқа табиғи жағдайларда күнделікті өмірге мүлдем бейімделмегенін анықтады. Қоныс аударушылар үшін тыңның айналасындағы ландшафт – шексіз қашықтық, біркелкі рельеф, аумақтың шексіздігі, жер үсті су көздерінің болмауы ерекше болды және олардың өмір салтына сәйкес келмеді. Тың игеру процесіне байырғы халықты тарту олардың кәсібінің, мәдени және экономикалық дағдыларының өзгеруіне, белгілі бір дәрежеде әдет-ғұрыптардың өзгеруіне әкелетін қажеттіліктерді жасанды реттеуге әкелді. Олар ауылшаруашылық профилінің күрт өзгеруіне және аумақты ауылшаруашылық дамытудың ерекше формаларын қабылдауға дайын емес еді.

Түйін сөздер: Шаруа, тың және тыңайған жерлерді игеру, бейімделу, маргиналдандыру, көші-қон саясаты.

МРНТИ 03.20.00

СТРАТЕГИИ ВЫЖИВАНИЯ И МЕХАНИЗМЫ АДАПТАЦИИ ЦЕЛЛИНИКОВ К ИЗМЕНЯЮЩИМСЯ УСЛОВИЯМ

КудайбергеноваАйжамал Ибрагимовна¹, Закарья Рахметолла²

¹Доктор исторических наук, главный научный сотрудник Институт истории и этнологии им. Ч.Ч. Валиханова.

²PhD докторант 2 курса, младший научный сотрудник Института истории и этнологии им.Ч. Ч. Валиханова.

Казахстан, г. Алматы.

Аннотация. Освоение целины – это вопрос не только технических возможностей, способов агротехники, эколого-экономической целесообразности и рациональности. Это и вопрос социальных, в том числе демографических и этнических, последствий преобразования природной среды. Поднятие целинных и залежных земель вызвало огромные волны миграции в районы освоения. В то же время, переезжая в новые края, переселенцы мало себе представляли особенности природной среды обитания, условия жизнеобеспечения, быта и хозяйственной деятельности, возможности собственной биосоциальной адаптации в новой экологической обстановке. Жители Европейской части СССР, приехавшие по зову души в новые регионы покорять целину, впоследствии обнаружили, что они психологически не совсем приспособлены к повседневной жизни в иных природных условиях. Для переселенцев окружающий ландшафт целины – безграничная даль, однообразный рельеф, безлесность территорий, отсутствие поверхностных источников воды – был непривычным и не соответствовал их образу жизни. Вовлечение коренного населения в процесс освоения целины приводило к изменению их рода занятий, культурно-хозяйственных навыков, к искусственному регулированию потребностей, влекущему за собой в определенной степени и изменение обычаев. Они оказались неготовыми к резкому изменению профиля сельского хозяйства и восприятию непривычных форм земледельческого освоения территории.